First Nations People were Appreciated by Early Settlers What Happened?

Patrick Gossage • August 20, 2024

Susanna Moodie wrote Roughing it in the Bush. a very observant account of her family settling in a loghouse in the 1830’s Their pioneer home was in the middle of the forest near the present town of Lakefield, Ontario. Upper Canada was then a British colony welcoming many American loyalists. The Moodies, mother, father, a retired British army officer, and daughter immigrated in 1832, and shortly after their log cabin was built started having warm relations with the local first nations people who were of the Mississauga tribe.


She wrote: “It was not long before we received visits from the Indians…Their honesty and love of truth are the finest traits in their characters... These are two God-like attributes, and from them spring all that is generous an ennobling among them There never was a people more sensible of kindness, or more grateful for any little act of benevolence …We met them with confidence, our dealings with them were conducted with the strictness integrity and they became attached to our persons, and no single instance ever destroyed the good opinion we entertained of them.”

In an introduction to the 1913 edition of The Moccasin Maker by the famous biracial indigenous performer and writer Pauline Johnson, Charles Mair wrote: “Impartial history not seldom leans to the red man's side; for, in his ordinary and peaceful intercourse with the whites, he was, as a rule, both helpful and humane. In the records of early explorers we are told of savages who possessed estimable qualities lamentably lacking in many so- called civilized men. The Illinois, an inland tribe, exhibited such tact, courtesy and self-restraint, in a word, such good manners, that the Jesuit Fathers described them as a community of gentlemen. Such traits, indeed, were natural to the primitive Indian, and gave rise, no doubt, to the much-derided phrase—"The Noble Red Man.’”


In a short story called “A Red Girl’s Reasoning” in the same book, Johnson writes of a trader who had long ago married an Indian girl: “The country was all backwoods, and the Post miles and miles from even the semblance of civilization, and the lonely young Englishman's heart had gone out to the girl who, apart from speaking a very few words of English, was utterly uncivilized and uncultured, but had withal that marvelously innate refinement so universally possessed by the higher tribes of North American Indians.”


First nations peoples under the French and in the earlier years of British rule were vital to our first major industry, the fur trade – providing the furs and powering the transportation system that brought the commodity to Montreal. They had been treated as partners under the French regime, and as we have seen were treated as neighbours and friends by the early settlers in Upper Canada. The diary of Mrs., Simcoe, the wife of the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada in the late 1700’s John Graves Simcoe makes many references to her interest in the local natives in then York and in her and her husband’s’ travels. On a trip to what is now London, Ontario the governor found his native guides very useful: “The Governor rose early on the march and walked till five o'clock. A party of the Indians went on an hour before, to cut down wood for a fire and make huts of trees, which they cover with bark so dexterously that no rain can penetrate, and this they do very expeditiously; when the Governor came to the spot the Indians had fixed upon the lodge for the night, the provisions were cooked; after supper the officers sung "God Save the King"; and

went to sleep with their feet close to an immense fire, which was kept up all night.”


This benign and friendly interest in the first nations who vastly outnumbered white settlers in the early years of Upper Canada was soon to end as the need for more land for incoming settlers from the US and Europe started to encroach on indigenous lands. This led to treaty making with First Nation’s bands in which they signed away traditional lands in return for small compensation, gifts, and annual monetary awards. This was an unfortunate change from earlier agreements.


The Royal Proclamation of 1763 confirmed First Nations’ sovereignty over their lands and prevented anyone, other than the Crown, from purchasing that land. The Crown, needing First Nations’ land for military purposes or for settlement, would first have to purchase it from its indigenous occupants. 50 years before Mrs. Moodie was meeting her Mississauga neighbours it became clear to colonial administrators that

agreements on who controlled lands had to be made with this tribe who dominated huge areas north of Lake Ontario.

50 years before Mrs. Moodie was meeting her Mississauga neighbours it became clear to colonial administrators that agreements on who controlled lands had to be made with this tribe who dominated huge areas north of Lake Ontario.


This is how a long saga of misunderstood botched agreements and misrepresentation of intent started leading finally to an actual sizeable purchase by the federal government’s purchase of land on which Toronto sits from the Mississauga in 2010. 


 Sir John Johnston, Superintendent General of the Indian Department, met in 1787 with a number of chiefs in which  the they purportedly sold the lands in the Toronto Purchase agreement. The Misissauga readily agreed to share land because of Sir William Johnson’s promise that they could pull the Covenant Chain whenever they were in need and would never live in poverty, and could continue to hunt and fish on the land. A long list of gifts were given including 96 gallons of rum  for a land mass.of 250,808 acres extending to Lake Simcoe. The Mississauga thought it was a rental agreement in which they would receive gifts of an ongoing basis. 


A supposed deed documenting the sale of the lands was found years later and raised serious questions about the legitimacy of the deal .The deed was found blank and had no description of the land “purchased” by the Crown. Also of concern was that the marks of the chiefs were written on separate pieces of paper affixed to the blank deed. Consequently, a second sale was negotiated in 1805 with a tribe much reduced by poverty and disease. Ten shillings was given for this huge area. 


The First Nation initiated new claims in the early 20th century, and  finally in 2010, Canada agreed to pay CA$145 million for the lands, based on its historic value. The basis of the claims was that Canada did not provide the First Nation with adequate compensation for the land at the time of the purchases in 1787 and 1905. The settlement brought closure to these longstanding claims once and for all.

So, in some ways, the respect the Moodies had with their Mississauga neighbors was somewhat restored even if their descendants were reduced to living in a small reservation near Hagersville, Ontario and had been nearly decimated earlier. 


It is worth remembering that Canada and its many communities and cities only exists because of the treaties First Nations made with newcomers. And as we have seen with the various badly executed agreements with the Mississauga, most have not been honoured and in general the first nations had a poor understanding of what they were giving up.


The many treaties that cover the vast territory of Canada were signed with ceremonies because they meant making relatives and making peace. Treaties were seen by indigenous leaders as binding covenants between native nations and the crown or monarch.


Raymond Aldred a Cree professor and priest, writing in the remarkable book Our Home and Treaty Land writes that the “treaty relationship is a shared narrative in which we are sacredly bound. Promises were made between your family and mine and the creator… what was supposed to be a respectful code of conduct degenerated into one in which government policies led to cultural genocide, assimilation, theft of land, denial of treaty and constitutional rights, racism and increasingly punitive laws to control every aspect of the lives and deaths of the original inhabitants of what is now Canadian territory.”


It is true that many tribes have been enriched by generous land claims settlements, and much effort has been given by governments and civil society to meet the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. But can we ever regain the friendship and respect early settlers had for First Nations people? That should at least be our goal. 


Patrick Gossage Insider Political Views

By Patrick Gossage April 14, 2026
In contrast to US inaction after almost weekly mass killings, it took one horrible shooting rampage at the Ecole Polytechnique in Montreal, in 1980, to start the drive for public policy changes around gun control. But years delays between the mass shooting outrage and actual policy to rid the country of assault rifles doomed the eventual gun buyback program. The polytechnique horror was huge news in our relatively massacre-free nation. That December day, 25-year-old Marc Lépine stalked the hallways and classrooms of the École Polytechnique de Montréal with a semi-automatic rifle and murdered 14 women and injured another 13 people before killing himself. A year later, the Coalition for Gun Control was formed to push for stricter gun laws, led by survivors of the Montreal massacre. Later that year, the federal government passed Bill C-17, which imposed safety training and a mandatory waiting period to get a firearms licence-- not an effective means of controlling automatic rifles. Much later, in1996, Parliament passed the Firearms Act, Bill C-68, driven in part by a push for stricter gun laws following the Montreal massacre. The act created a national firearms registry and imposed new rules for obtaining a gun licence, including background checks. The former Conservative government, under prime minister Stephen Harper, abolished the long-gun registry, which it said placed an unnecessary burden on law-abiding gun owners. Quebec subsequently created its own provincial registry to replace it. It took another horrific killing nine years later in Nova Scotia to force Ottawa to take real action on miliary-style guns. On April 18 and 19, 2020, 51-year-old Gabriel Wortman committed multiple shootings and set fires at 16 locations, killing 22 people before he was killed by the RCMP. On May 1, 2020, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, following through on a 2019 campaign promise, announced an immediate ban on some 1,500 makes and models of assault weapons.. The Canadian government sought to follow New Zealand's lead when at the same time it announced the ban it promised a plan to force gun owners to surrender military-style firearms. But while New Zealand acted quickly, in 2019, Ottawa only launched a long awaited buyback program in 2026. In contrast, the government of then New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda announced its firearms buyback program shortly after a white supremacist killed 51 people at two mosques in Christchurch in March, 2019. In order to move quickly, New Zealand set up mobile units where firearm owners could get refunds in exchange for their firearms. They worked hard to get co-operation from gun owners. Meanwhile, here, the firearms industry and individual gun owners vigorously opposed the project, and it was delayed for years. The program was finally initiated this year with little of the sense of urgency it could have had right after the Nova Scotia killings. It has not been going well. In April, the federal public safety minister's office said more than 67,000 assault-style firearms have been declared by 37,869 firearm owners across Canada. That's just under half of the 136,000 firearms the government had budgeted for when it set aside aside $248.6 million for the program. The precise number of banned firearms in Canada is unknown due to the end of the long-gun registry in 2012. There are other deeper problems. Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba have indicated they will not assist with the program, meaning police are not co-operating as in New Zealand. Conservative MPs and firearm owners say the buyback is a wasteful exercise that targets law-abiding citizens. The original gun-control advocacy group, PolySeSouvient, blames “weak political leadership” for what it calls “poor participation” in the compensation program. It looks like Ottawa - to put it mildly - has blown the opportunity to really reduce the number of people-killing guns in this country.
By Patrick Gossage March 12, 2026
One of the major differences between these two men is that Carney understands the value of well-thought-out strategy, abundantly clear in his Davos speech, which laid out one for middle powers to deal with the end of a rules-based international order and the rise of hegemony. Trump's lack of strategic understanding is clear in his bumbling attempts to justify the billion-dollar-a-day Iran war. His overall tactic of “flooding the zone” – mounting a new initiative or major announcement every day, or even several times a day to ensure press and opposition can never catch up. This tactic has served him well – confusing the world and his would-be opponents into submission under a valley of activity and harsh opinions from the leader of the world. Contrast this approach to leadership from Carney. He is systematically building a nation less dependent on US trade by travelling the world building new alliances and trading partners. And in the scare of Australia giving substance to his idea of alliances with middle powers. All laid out in the Davos speech. It is instructive to appreciate how much Trump was irritated by the Davos speech. Carney got a standing ovation; Trump’s rambling lengthy diatribe did not. He won’t soon forget being so upstaged. He surely recognized an intellectual power he could never match. Carney is a realist and pragmatic when he stated recently “We take the world as it is, not as we wish it to be.” He is dealing with the world that is being reshaped by an irrational power-mad president, a world the powerful Stephen Miller said “that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power. These are the iron laws of the world.” Does Carney sometimes err on the side of supporting Trump likely to ensure that critical talks on free trade and tariffs have some chance of finding a sympathetic ear? Yes; first he seemed to fully support Trump’s war with Iran. He later made his support more nuanced, saying Trump’s actions were against the rules-based international order. He now says we will not get involved unless a NATO ally is threatened. But generally, Carney is highly rational in contrast to Trump’s self-centered irrationality. Take Trump’s bizarre ill-informed letter to the Prime Minister of Norway, who had no role in deciding if he got the Nobel Peace Prize: “I no longer feel obligated to think purely of Peace (he subsequently engaged in an ever expanding war against Iran). He then reiterated his demand for “complete and Total Control, of Greenland. Thank you!”. His late-night rants, complete with caps, on social media show a mind out of control. Thay are dutifully reported on US news media and often astonish with their non sequiturs and nastiness. One of his more unpresidential quotes came as he fingered White House drapes: “I chose these myself. I always liked gold." The big question for Canadians who are more and more disillusioned with the antics of the President: could these two opposite ever sit down and do a deal that works for Canada. The two do text, and Carney has admitted that in private Trump does listen. But there is also evidence that the trade people in the White House do not like Canada, and as Trump has said, we owe our very existence to the US. And we are “difficult”. They have said that the current trade deal is not good for the US and could be trashed entirely and -deals with Mexico and Canada could be separate and the current trilateral deal may be dead.  Canada was at the brink of reducing the heavy sectoral tariffs on steel, aluminum, and lumber when Premier Ford’s unfortunate ads during the Rose Bowl that featured President Reagan speaking against the usefulness of Tariffs led To Trump suspending talks. They only recently resumed. So can our world-renowned businessman and banker hope to sit down with the unpredictable and unstable President and cut a deal? Some hope that if we extend talks, the President, weakened by the midterms, the bad economic fallout from an unpopular war, and the fragmentation of the MAGA movement may be easier to deal with. On the other hand he may badly need a “win,” bullying big concessions out of Canada and reaping so-cabled benefits from a weaker free trade deal. There is a scenario where Trump gets a black eye if Carney simply walks away with the conviction, perhaps easily shared with an increasingly nationalistic and confident Canada that “no deal is better than a bad deal.” In any case, what a decisive and challenging future we face with Canada at play. Can Carney win for Canada against his opposite by losing a deal?"
More Posts