Indications of Some Hope For a Trudeau Revival

Patrick Gossage • November 22, 2024

In a new lengthy video a friendly Trudeau admits that he “made some mistakes” in ballooning immigration. He did an about-face and greatly reduced numbers especially for temporary workers and students. This type of turnaround and admission is an effective political ploy as it’s almost impossible to have a leader admit an error, let alone and fix it. It’s very human and appealing.

It would be nice to think that this sincere video portends a realization and not just a way to find new ways of appealing to voters. A good tactic was to speak to voters real concerns as he did almost every day during the pandemic. His announcement of a temporary GST tax holiday on a whole list of goods including groceries is being seen as a possible way of boosting his popularity. He’ll certainly have lots of new opportunities to show new leadership with the re-election of Trump and the reemergence of separatism in Quebec as a real threat.


Momal-Vanian, the Executive Director of the Kofi Annan Foundation (KAF) defines political leadership as “politics is the art of making possible what is necessary.” The necessity for Trudeau in the coming months will be engaging with, and even standing up to, Trump and speaking for Canada with its unity once again threatened.


This means facing a populist threat with real accomplishment and new sensitivity to the real needs of Canadians. Bálint Magyar, author and Research Fellow at the CEU Democracy Institute, Budapest pits the challenge Trudeau faces in reforming his approach to politics this way: “Liberal democracy offers moral constraints without problem-solving” — a lot of rules, not a lot of change — while “populism offers problem-solving without moral constraints.”


Perhaps Trump’s revenge focused first days and crue immigration policies will provide a positive contrast to a very human and caring Trudeau. And if he manages to escape the worst of Trump’s love affair with tariffs, he’ll be a hero indeed. If it comes to standing up to a bully, a lot of Canadians might admire that.


His archrival Polievre also can be seen as a sort of “Trump-lite,” especially his demonizing of the press, his overblown and heavy-handed speaking style and unrelenting negativity about his country. Blaming all the country’s woes on Trudeau will inevitably wear thin. As weeks go by, and Conservative negativism and obstructionism continue Canadians might start reconsidering their support for Polievre and wonder if they really like what they could get if he were to be PM.


There is also Paul Saint-Pierre Plamondon, the young leader of the Parti Québécois in Quebec to consider. Polling suggests a solid PQ majority in the next Provincial election. The PQ leader would be under strong pressure to call a referendum on Quebec’s secession from Canada. Consider then the old Pierre Trudeau line “who speaks for Canada?” that suddenly becomes terribly important. And the money will be back on Justin, not Polievre who has low levels of support in la belle province. Being his father’s son in dealing with Canadian unity and being unafraid to face it head on might suddenly be an advantage. And a future campaign will be waged not with posters and speeches but on social media where Trudeau can shine.


On this regard Trudeau might play a nationalist, patriotic card which our beaten up, fragmented nation sorely needs. As Jeffrey Simpson pointed out in a long pieced in the Globe, Trudeau had once said Canada had no national identity and instead was a country of “particularisms rather than some sort of organic whole.” This echoes his father’s preference for what he called “patriotic nationalism,” a collection of ethnic nationalisms while governing on behalf of all, not as groups but as individuals. This would seem to be an attractive and valid position that Trudeau could amplify

while celebrating the contribution of many ethnicities. This kind of generous reflection on who we are is surely one to be welcomed and Trudeau is better situated to explore it than Polievre. In addition, Simpson points out that Canada’s cultural elites have painted Canada’s past in “unrelievedly dark colours” and our history shaded by “shame”. We have all had enough of guilt and any politician who starts fueling our pride would get a good

hearing.


I realize that all this is wishful thinking. But the gloom spread by Trump and Polievre is starting to wear thin. I know many who have stopped consuming news completely. Indeed, we are barely solving the economic crisis faced by so many. Taking small bites is insufficient work and nobody can significantly lower grocery prices or build rental or owner homes fast enough or cheaply enough to relieve our housing crisis. But at least we may be able to have a leader who gives us some pride and hope. We should not underestimate Justin. It could be him.

Patrick Gossage Insider Political Views

By Patrick Gossage April 14, 2026
In contrast to US inaction after almost weekly mass killings, it took one horrible shooting rampage at the Ecole Polytechnique in Montreal, in 1980, to start the drive for public policy changes around gun control. But years delays between the mass shooting outrage and actual policy to rid the country of assault rifles doomed the eventual gun buyback program. The polytechnique horror was huge news in our relatively massacre-free nation. That December day, 25-year-old Marc Lépine stalked the hallways and classrooms of the École Polytechnique de Montréal with a semi-automatic rifle and murdered 14 women and injured another 13 people before killing himself. A year later, the Coalition for Gun Control was formed to push for stricter gun laws, led by survivors of the Montreal massacre. Later that year, the federal government passed Bill C-17, which imposed safety training and a mandatory waiting period to get a firearms licence-- not an effective means of controlling automatic rifles. Much later, in1996, Parliament passed the Firearms Act, Bill C-68, driven in part by a push for stricter gun laws following the Montreal massacre. The act created a national firearms registry and imposed new rules for obtaining a gun licence, including background checks. The former Conservative government, under prime minister Stephen Harper, abolished the long-gun registry, which it said placed an unnecessary burden on law-abiding gun owners. Quebec subsequently created its own provincial registry to replace it. It took another horrific killing nine years later in Nova Scotia to force Ottawa to take real action on miliary-style guns. On April 18 and 19, 2020, 51-year-old Gabriel Wortman committed multiple shootings and set fires at 16 locations, killing 22 people before he was killed by the RCMP. On May 1, 2020, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, following through on a 2019 campaign promise, announced an immediate ban on some 1,500 makes and models of assault weapons.. The Canadian government sought to follow New Zealand's lead when at the same time it announced the ban it promised a plan to force gun owners to surrender military-style firearms. But while New Zealand acted quickly, in 2019, Ottawa only launched a long awaited buyback program in 2026. In contrast, the government of then New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda announced its firearms buyback program shortly after a white supremacist killed 51 people at two mosques in Christchurch in March, 2019. In order to move quickly, New Zealand set up mobile units where firearm owners could get refunds in exchange for their firearms. They worked hard to get co-operation from gun owners. Meanwhile, here, the firearms industry and individual gun owners vigorously opposed the project, and it was delayed for years. The program was finally initiated this year with little of the sense of urgency it could have had right after the Nova Scotia killings. It has not been going well. In April, the federal public safety minister's office said more than 67,000 assault-style firearms have been declared by 37,869 firearm owners across Canada. That's just under half of the 136,000 firearms the government had budgeted for when it set aside aside $248.6 million for the program. The precise number of banned firearms in Canada is unknown due to the end of the long-gun registry in 2012. There are other deeper problems. Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba have indicated they will not assist with the program, meaning police are not co-operating as in New Zealand. Conservative MPs and firearm owners say the buyback is a wasteful exercise that targets law-abiding citizens. The original gun-control advocacy group, PolySeSouvient, blames “weak political leadership” for what it calls “poor participation” in the compensation program. It looks like Ottawa - to put it mildly - has blown the opportunity to really reduce the number of people-killing guns in this country.
By Patrick Gossage March 12, 2026
One of the major differences between these two men is that Carney understands the value of well-thought-out strategy, abundantly clear in his Davos speech, which laid out one for middle powers to deal with the end of a rules-based international order and the rise of hegemony. Trump's lack of strategic understanding is clear in his bumbling attempts to justify the billion-dollar-a-day Iran war. His overall tactic of “flooding the zone” – mounting a new initiative or major announcement every day, or even several times a day to ensure press and opposition can never catch up. This tactic has served him well – confusing the world and his would-be opponents into submission under a valley of activity and harsh opinions from the leader of the world. Contrast this approach to leadership from Carney. He is systematically building a nation less dependent on US trade by travelling the world building new alliances and trading partners. And in the scare of Australia giving substance to his idea of alliances with middle powers. All laid out in the Davos speech. It is instructive to appreciate how much Trump was irritated by the Davos speech. Carney got a standing ovation; Trump’s rambling lengthy diatribe did not. He won’t soon forget being so upstaged. He surely recognized an intellectual power he could never match. Carney is a realist and pragmatic when he stated recently “We take the world as it is, not as we wish it to be.” He is dealing with the world that is being reshaped by an irrational power-mad president, a world the powerful Stephen Miller said “that is governed by strength, that is governed by force, that is governed by power. These are the iron laws of the world.” Does Carney sometimes err on the side of supporting Trump likely to ensure that critical talks on free trade and tariffs have some chance of finding a sympathetic ear? Yes; first he seemed to fully support Trump’s war with Iran. He later made his support more nuanced, saying Trump’s actions were against the rules-based international order. He now says we will not get involved unless a NATO ally is threatened. But generally, Carney is highly rational in contrast to Trump’s self-centered irrationality. Take Trump’s bizarre ill-informed letter to the Prime Minister of Norway, who had no role in deciding if he got the Nobel Peace Prize: “I no longer feel obligated to think purely of Peace (he subsequently engaged in an ever expanding war against Iran). He then reiterated his demand for “complete and Total Control, of Greenland. Thank you!”. His late-night rants, complete with caps, on social media show a mind out of control. Thay are dutifully reported on US news media and often astonish with their non sequiturs and nastiness. One of his more unpresidential quotes came as he fingered White House drapes: “I chose these myself. I always liked gold." The big question for Canadians who are more and more disillusioned with the antics of the President: could these two opposite ever sit down and do a deal that works for Canada. The two do text, and Carney has admitted that in private Trump does listen. But there is also evidence that the trade people in the White House do not like Canada, and as Trump has said, we owe our very existence to the US. And we are “difficult”. They have said that the current trade deal is not good for the US and could be trashed entirely and -deals with Mexico and Canada could be separate and the current trilateral deal may be dead.  Canada was at the brink of reducing the heavy sectoral tariffs on steel, aluminum, and lumber when Premier Ford’s unfortunate ads during the Rose Bowl that featured President Reagan speaking against the usefulness of Tariffs led To Trump suspending talks. They only recently resumed. So can our world-renowned businessman and banker hope to sit down with the unpredictable and unstable President and cut a deal? Some hope that if we extend talks, the President, weakened by the midterms, the bad economic fallout from an unpopular war, and the fragmentation of the MAGA movement may be easier to deal with. On the other hand he may badly need a “win,” bullying big concessions out of Canada and reaping so-cabled benefits from a weaker free trade deal. There is a scenario where Trump gets a black eye if Carney simply walks away with the conviction, perhaps easily shared with an increasingly nationalistic and confident Canada that “no deal is better than a bad deal.” In any case, what a decisive and challenging future we face with Canada at play. Can Carney win for Canada against his opposite by losing a deal?"
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